So we have a definition of terrorism. The thing to do now, it would seem, would be to go out and point out terrorists. The problem is that our definition of terrorism is not shared. When the United States calls someone a terrorist, they aren't using my definition of the word (largely because I only came up with it a few days ago and they've been calling people and organizations terrorists for as long as I can remember). Remember all that stuff I said about hard and fast definitions? Of course not. But suffice to say that there isn't one here.
I just spent ten (or so, depending on how fast you read) minutes of your life to tell you something which I'm now saying is meaningless. Do you want those minutes back? They're mine now. But I'll give you something in return: the reason I brought up "terrorist" in the first place was so I could show one high-profile instance of people assuming there is a hard and fast rule for something where there is none. I won't insult your intelligence by listing the various misapprehensions people have about terrorists; my purpose is not to espouse a political agenda anyway. My point is that the construction of policy, in this case the "War on Terrorism," around areas as gray as this one might be a mistake.
Policy is never hard and fast; the real world doesn't take kindly to hard and fast. But terminology has to be hard and fast; we use specific words and phrases to attempt to remove ambiguity. A fools quest, perhaps, but that is the purpose behind the use of terminology such as "terrorist." I don't mean using the word in rhetoric or writing; when you declare war on something, you'd better have a good idea what it is. That's where policy meets terminology; gray arising from black and white, if you will.
Before I am accused of partisan activities, let's look at another example: the "War on Poverty." Policy governs the fighting of this "war," but the enemy is hard and fast - poverty. I won't go through the rigmarole to prove that the definition of "poverty" is just as problematic as "terrorism." But until someone comes out with a hard and fast definition of what it means to be poor, the war can't start.
I'm not accusing anyone of not having a hard and fast definition of terrorism or poverty, but we should ask ourselves whether:
- The policy definition is one with which we agree.
- The policy definition has been applied universally.
For example, supposing our definition of terrorist is in fact the government definition (not a chance; it's far too simple, which is another kettle of fish altogether), can we apply it universally? Do Muslim extremists, regularly called terrorists by their own mothers, qualify in all cases? How about people fighting in Iraq? Prisoners in Guantanamo Bay? Cuban refugees in Miami? Unborn babies? Abortion doctors? Catholic priests? Democrats? I think I've mentioned enough hot-button issues for today.
I'm not going to answer my own question because that's not my point. You have to look at applications of the rules behind policy to eliminate that "it's all relative" feeling we all too often get when faced with real-world issues. Find out the axioms and you will understand the rest, as we might say if we were logicians (and we didn't think that the plural of axiom is axia, something about which I'm on the fence). If you don't like the results of an axiom, don't waste time arguing about the results. Attack the axiom.
This last has students of logic shaking their heads in disgust, because you don't have to defend axioms. They are self-evident. Indeed, if the beginning of the PATRIOT Act said, "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that terrorists are individuals or groups who..." it would be a lot easier to read, for one thing.
This post is getting disjointed. We shall adjourn for now.